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《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech)， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
精彩英语励志演讲稿
《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, （the Iron Curtain Speech）， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. i dont know who wrote these words, but ive always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. we are all in the position of the farmers. if we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. if we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.
we are young. “how to spend the youth?” it is a meaningful question. to answer it, first i have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” youth is not a time of life, its a state of mind. its not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips or supple knees. its the matter of the will. its the freshness of the deep spring of life.
youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite , for adventure over the love of ease. this often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . nobody grows old merely by a number of years . we grow old by deserting our ideals. years wrinkle the skin , but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul . worry , fear , self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust .
whether 60 of 16 , there is in every human being s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing childlike appetite of whats next and the joy of the game of living . in the center of your heart and my heart theres a wireless station : so long as it receives messages of beauty , hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .
a poet said “to see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. several days ago, i had a chance to listen to a lecture. i learnt a lot there. id like to share it with all of you. lets show our right palms. we can see three lines that show how our love.career and life is. i have a short line of life. what about yours? i wondered whether we could see our future in this way. well, lets make a fist. where is our future? where is our love, career, and life? tell me.yeah, it is in our hands. it is held in ourselves.
we all want the future to be better than the past. but the future can go better itself. dont cry because it is over, smile because it happened. from the past, weve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. weve learnt that we cant choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. failure doesnt mean you dont have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way. failure doesnt mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.
as what i said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. the past has gone. nothing we do will change it. but the future is in front of us. believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us. and from today on, lets be the owners of ourselves, and speak out “we are the world, we are the future.”
modern in China and abroad, nobody all the time is not making the success dream.The scholar was vainly hoping for obtains the outstanding academic record; The poor was vainly hoping for the one day on wealthy small capital life .......The success, is in each individual heart the loftiest dream.Studies the multitudinous celebrity's success experience, always cannot leave the following many factors the union: Scientific method, self-confident, insistence, patience, tenacious, discipline, good faith, industrious and so on.This also became a person to obtain the success the formula.
But in realistic society, the people always said the matter easy to be doing difficultly.Finally could obtain the successful person to become extremely rare.Therefore, the success, became the people one kind luxuriously to yearn for.When the people through how many year endeavor, had still not seen success hope, people's thought always depth is having doubts unavoidably bog: I can succeed? When can succeed? In this a succession of question behind, is following close on is the suspicion and lax. When Nicolay. Forced the plum to explore in the entire 21 years fable after the secret condition ;the alchemy;, still had achieved nothing, he could not find way out, really somewhat dispirited.But, he vainly hoped for the successful will defeated tenaciously has despaired the feeling.Finally, Nicolay studied in the fable;the alchemy;, obtained ;the black magic stone;, through 23 years half endeavor, has become the European renowned alchemy gentleman, has subsidized France's multitudinous common people, became generous charitable everybody.21 years, the futile effort 21 years, the human no longer is young, although truth on in his hand, but he is a blind person as if, any also cannot see.Only then can the personal experience person, only then clear that be road of the section of how lonely exploration. The life is very marvelous, the human knew the natural ability has the limitation, you never can know meets down can have any, when you thought especially oneself despairs extremely time.On perhaps the success path fills the variable, the success is only one kind of possibility.Perhaps, we pass through for a lifetime endeavor, arrives the life the end point, finally has not obtained successfully, but, we did not regret, because of us diligently. 文章的中文意思是： 古今中外，无人不在时时刻刻做着成功的梦想。学子梦想着取得优异的学习成绩;贫民梦想着有一天过上富裕的小资生活……。成功，是每个人心中最崇高的梦想。研究众多名人的成功经验，总离不开下列诸多因素的结合：科学方法、自信、坚持、耐心、坚韧不拔、纪律、诚信、勤劳等等。这也成了一个人取得成功的公式。成功有公式，成功的公式本身并不神秘，它早已经成了人们头脑中固有的公理了。几乎每一个有学习经历的成年人都可以如数家珍。成功的诱惑和梦想成功也许本身就是自然的注定! 而在现实社会中，人们总是说事容易做着难。最终能够获得成功的人成了凤毛麟角。于是，成功，就成了人们一种奢侈的向往了。当人们通过多少年的努力，依然没有看到成功的希望的时候，人们的思维不免总是深陷在疑惑的沼泽：我能成功吗?什么时候可以成功?在这一连串疑问的后面，紧跟着的是怀疑和松懈。于是，放弃的心思，就如小草一样在原本不算肥沃的心田吞噬着仅存的养分;于是，人们便随波逐流，随遇而安。哀大莫如心死。当梦想的火炬熄灭、激越的心灵被蒙上厚厚的尘灰的时候，成功，也就真的永永远远地离你而去了。 其实，也许成功离你并不遥远，成功也许就近在只尺、伸手可及。但，你放弃了对梦想的执着追求，忽略了最后的坚持! 当尼古拉.勒梅在秘密状态下探索了整整的传说中的“炼金术”后，依然一无所获的时候，他一筹莫展，真的有些颓废。但，他梦想成功的心志顽强地战胜了绝望感觉。他装扮成虔诚的教徒，在混乱的14世纪欧洲，从法国巴黎到西班牙的圣地亚哥朝拜(实际是寻找打开炼金术的魔法语言的钥匙)，步行逾1500公里，途经环境最恶劣荒凉的地区，饥饿、寒冷、迷失、劫匪、疾病……在“朝圣”之路上，生命每时每刻都有可能终结，这种说法并不夸张。这时候需要的就是对梦想的执着信念了。最终，尼古拉学得了传说中的“炼金术”，得到了“魔法石”，通过二十三年半的努力，成了欧洲的炼金术士，资助了法国的众多的平民，成为一名慷慨的慈善大家。21年，徒劳的21年，人不再年轻，尽管真理就在他的手上，但他仿佛是个瞎子，什么也看不见。只有亲身经历的人，才会清楚那是一段怎样孤独的探索之路。21年这几个字，写在纸上，你可以轻轻的读过去，但，它在这里却意味着一个人的青春，热情，希望和梦想。 生活是很奇妙的，人认识自然的能力是有局限性的，你永远不会知道接下来会发生什么，尤其当你认为自己非常绝望的时候。成功的道路上充满变数，成功也许只是一种可能。也许，我们经过一辈子的努力，走到人生的终点，最终也没有得到成功，但，我们不后悔，因为我们努力了。朋友，请你永远也别放弃对成功梦想的追求!梦想是心灵的翅膀。没有翅膀的心灵是孤寂的。只有梦想才能把我们从平庸的生活中解救出来，去接近神圣。上天给了我们情感，我们要心怀希望，感受欢乐。我们为希望而生，我们为梦想而活!
This is an interesting place.
You come here to exchange things, you come here to save money, and you come here to give your waste things a home.
What is it? Not the supermarket, not the dustbin, not the place that is dealing with rubbish of course, but it is a place on our campus.Yes, it is the flea market.
I have already sold my books and bags that I no longer need there, and have bought a lovely bottle there at a good price.
I will show you four benefits by doing this according to my experience，but before that,I have to tell you that you should keep an open mind when going there.
You may not come away with the things that were on your list, but thats the beauty of the hunt: you never know what youll find.
If you didnt find a particular item this week, dont despair ,since youll have chance to find it next time.
Now I will show you the four reasons that may help you to find a new way to deal with your waste things next time.Firstly, save money.
By selling the things you no longer needs, you can cover some of the original cost which can be of great importance to those students who have not got their own income.
And with the similar function and a much lower price, the financial difficulty that troubled many poor students can be solved much more easily.
What’s more, experts estimated that if all textbooks in universities can be used once again, we can save about 100 million Yuan which can help you to travel to moon for one time.Secondly, develop a good habit.
Selling the waste things in a flea market can help the sellers to cultivate a good habit of making full use of their belongings.
Thus you will think twice before buying a new product next time.Thirdly, foster an intelligence to engage in business.
You can learn to communicate with others and promote sale of your products to others at a proper price by doing this.
Your practical ability can also improve a lot.Don’t forget the last one, environmental-friendly.
According to the latest report, if a small-size city reuses the textbooks for one time, they can save 1.5 million in only a semester’s time.Anyway, a flea market is an interesting place to visit if you want to buy something or if you want to buy nothing.
Dont be surprised if you find the very thing you have been looking for or come back home with your hands empty.Hope the fact I have presented to you will help you to make a wise choice next time when dealing with your waste things.
英语演讲稿的特殊性
英语演讲稿首先开头要开门见山，既要一下子抓住听众又要提出你的观点，中间要用各种方法和所准备的材料说明、支持你的论点，感染听众,在关键点即主要的思想处应该试着多重复几遍，词语最好不要相同，意思相同即可。然后在结尾加强说明论点或得出结论，结束演讲。
英语演讲稿的写作可根据需要有效、正确地使用英语写作方法和技巧，如恰当地运用明喻、暗喻、夸张等各种修辞方法，用词要准确，尽量避免使用生僻、模糊、晦涩的字词。总之，要考虑听众对象，注意演讲的措辞，但又要简明扼要、有理有力、结构紧凑。
英语演讲稿的基本组成部分
从大的方面看，英语演讲词实际上是属于一种特殊的说明文或议论文，其基本组成部分是：
1)称呼语
最常用的是 Ladies and gentlemen，也可根据不同情况，选用 Fellow students, Distinguished guests, Mr Charman, Honorable Judges(评委)等等。
2)提出论题
由于演讲的时间限制，必须开门见山，提出论题。提出论题的方法有各种各样，但最生动，最能引起注意的是用举例法。比如：你要呼吁大家关心贫穷地区的孩子，你可以用亲眼看到的或者收集到的那些贫穷孩子多么需要帮助的实例开始。另外，用具体的统计数据也是一个有效的引出论题的方法，比如：你要谈遵守交通规则的话题，你可以从举一系列有关车辆、车祸等的数据开始。
3)论证
对提出的论题，不可主观地妄下结论，而要进行客观的论证。这是演讲中最需要下功夫的部分。关键是要把道理讲清楚。常见的论证方法有举例法、因果法、对比法等等。
4)结论
结论要简明扼要，以给听众留下深刻印象。
5)结尾
结尾要简洁，最普通的结尾就是：Thank you very much for your attention。
英语不是我们的母语，所以用英语演讲一定要自信，在上台之前熟悉演讲稿并加以练习，达到熟练掌握，灵活应用。
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; s shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that Americas decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new s, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technologys wonders to raise health cares quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find s at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the publics dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expediences sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
The importance of time Good morning,dear teacher and my friends!
My name is .I’m a student of Great 7 from middle school. I ’m very glad to stand here and give you a short speech today. My topic is “the importance of time”.
Someone says: “Time is money!” But I think time is even more important than money. Why? Because when money is spent, we can get it back. However, When time is gone,It will never return no matter how rich you are.
But it is a pity that there are a lot of people who do not know the importance of time . They spend all day on smorking, drinking and do not know that wasting time means wasting life.
As to us, a middle schoole student, School time is a very important period for our growing up. We should make full use of it to do something usefull, just like learning different kinds of knowledge , taking exercise for a good health and so on.
In a word , we should save is limited and so，very precious. It will not return any more when it is gone.
That’s all for my k you!
we eat food, drink water, wear clothes, watch tv, use computers and so on. we are producing waste every moment. generally speaking, there are four sorts of waste. they are material waste, organic waste, inorganic waste and poisonous & harmful waste. now, we are going to talk about each sort of waste one by one. material waste: it means the waste of substance or things from which something else can be made. for example, people throw away the used metal products and buy a new one, so the old metal waste accumulates. at last, they become waste. for example, when people finish reading newspaper, the paper will become waste. when the glass is broken, it also becomes waste. nobody wants to use a broken window or drink with a broken glass or wear a pair of broken glasses. once it is broken, it becomes waste. the rate of using plastics is increasing day by day. people use plastic bags because they are convenient. when they get home, they throw the plastics way, paying no attention to the environment.
the more convenience plastics brings to us, the more plastic waste is produced. this is called “white pollution” as most plastics are white. some of our products we use every day are made of rubber, just like the tyres and the bottom part of our shoes. it’s true that rubber plays an important role in our life. however, it also brings us some trouble when it has been used for a long time and becomes old. the old tyres become waste because it can’t break down by nature. this is really a big problem.
Good morning ladies and gentlmen,It is my great pleasure to stand here to present my speech—— As you slowly open your eyes, look around, notice where the light comes into your room;
listen carefully, see if there are new sounds you can recognize;
feel with your body and spirit, and see if you can sense the freshness in the air. Yes, yes, yes, it’s a new day, it’s a different day, and it’s a bright day! And most importantly, it’s a new beginning for your life, a beginning where you are going to make new decisions, take new actions, make new friends, and take your life to a totally unprecedented(空前的) level.
In your mind’s eye, you can see clearly the things you want to have, the paces you intend to go, the relationships you desire to develop, and the positions you aspire(励志) to reach.
You can hear your laughters of joy and happiness on the day when everything happens as you dream. You can see the smiles on the people around you when the magic moment strikes. You can feel your face is getting red, your heart is beating fast, and your blood is rushing all over your body, to every single corner of your being! You know all this is real as long as you are confident, passionate and committed!(效忠的) And you are confident, you are passionate, you are committed! You will no longer fear making new sounds, showing new facial expressions, using your body in new ways, approaching new people, and asking new questions.
You will live every single day of your life with absolute passion, and you will show your passion through the words you speak and the actions you take. You will focus all your time and effort on the most important goals of your life. You will never succumb(屈服,屈从) to challenges of hardships.
You will never waver(动摇) in your pursuit of excellence. After all, you are the best, and you deserve the best! As your coach and friend, I can assure you the door to all the best things in the world will open to you, but the key to that door is in your hand. You must do your part. You must faithfully follow the plans you make and take the actions you plan.
I heard a word“Don`t give , just be use life`s too short tobeanybody else.”I think what this word express is so yeah,so I wanna you tomemorize it.
Everyone has a beautiful dream and personal life on the waythat we hunt for the keys of acheving our dreams,there are many difficultiesappearing,thus,several timid men give in to them,one after another,some peaplelost their first dreams and even !Many characters and pretty orhandsome stars around us,we are obesessed with some of those,and even ad occeanof peaple volunteer to imitate those ver,as we turn back,we will findin surprise,the tree is still the old tree,the house is still,verything is still the didn`t change them a little.
The same as our competitions,teachers always say:“You`d better read moreessays and memorize some perfect or wonderful sentenses,it`s helpful for yourwriting level.”Well!I don`t think so! Personally,I feel we must keep on ourstyles and priciple,due to this,when readers read our essays,they might learnabout us better,therefore we will become happier to make the life colorful ,I support that we read more books,rather than recite moreessays.
Being true to yourself implies if you are delighted,then you laugh,if youare sad,then you cry,don`t hide your mood,do not be on yourdream which is deep in your hear. You can`t become the other like magic,becausethere is no such thing as magic in the wold,OK!Let`s stand in front of themirror,carefully look at :Calm `t get anything to botheryour heart,just be true to yourself.
我的正式职业是一名设计师，但我同时还是大学的辩论队教练，咱们一般人所遵循的原则都是一分耕耘一分收获，天道酬勤。但是我跟我的队员们讲的是不论你有多努力，不论你天赋有多么的好，你都是会输的。
的时候，我站到了国际大专辩论赛的赛场上面，我竭尽了全力也赢得了掌声，但还是止步半决赛，输了。所以在宣布结果之后我就当着人山人海的观众哭的个稀里哗啦，但是这个时候，我一位中国台湾的朋友执中他拉住我，忽然问了我一个很奇怪的问题，他说“邱晨，你知不知道为什么奥运会里面每一个项目我们只比一次呢，如果奥运会的目的就是让我们知道这个世界上谁最高、谁最快、谁最强的话，那为什么我们不把所有的对手都集中到一起，让他们在不同的身体条件、不同的天气、不同的时间和地点里面，各比它个十几趟，然后再算一个平均值呢，一次就定胜负，这样的胜负难道不是很不稳定、很不精确、很不能服众，包括不能让你感到心悦诚服吗?”我当时就愣住了，我从来没有想过这样一个问题，但是在那之后我渐渐理解了胜负成败真正的含义。
胜负，它不仅是一种竞争的结果，它更是一种仪式，是一种非常重要的成长的仪式。各位不妨回想一下自己的经历，是不是每一次失败里面我们都有一丝不甘的遗憾，每一次成功里面我们都有一点点不愿意让别人知道的侥幸，但是也正是因为如此，这个不稳定的胜负才能最终击溃我们心底深处自以为无所不能的狂妄，让我们最终真真正正的学会谦卑和感恩。
如果你想有一个不太一样的人生，或至少用不太一样的眼光来看待自己和别人的人生，那你就应该彻底的摆脱这种一分耕耘一分收获机械等式的束缚，也只有到那个时候你才能够得到比胜负宝贵万倍的东西，是自由。
即使被遗弃了，也不要伤感下去。
Even if abandoned， don't be sad。
假如我不能我一定要;假如我一定要我就一定能!
If I cannot I must; If I must I can!
老师糊涂一时，学生糊涂一世。
Is wise at all time， the teacher students confused。
去做你害怕的事，害怕自然就会消失。
To do the thing you fear， the fear will disappear naturally。
感谢太阳又升起，继续点燃我的梦想。
Thank the sun rises again， continue to light my dream。
智者的梦再美也不如愚人实干的脚印。
Wise dream again beautiful also not fool pragmatic footprints。
是英雄表现出来，是人才体现出来，是蠢才显现出来。
Is a hero， is talented person， is a fool。
没有激流就称不上勇进没有山峰则谈不上攀登。
Not without a torrent yong into no peaks are not climb。
信心好比一粒种子，除非下种，否则不会结果。
Confidence is like a seed， unless seeding， no fruit。
每个人都要长大、但不是每个人都懂得长大。
Everyone has to grow up， but not everyone understand grew up。
行动是成功的阶梯，行动越多，登得越高。
Action is the ladder of success， the more， the higher the。
谁有历经千辛万苦的意志，谁就能达到任何目的。
Who will， who has experienced hardships can achieve any goal。
伟大的作品不是靠力量，而是靠坚持来完成的。
Great works not by strength， but by insist to complete。
第二天叫醒我的不是闹钟，其实，是梦想!
The second day wake up my not alarm clock， in fact， is a dream!
成大事不在于力量的大小，而在于能坚持多久。
Event is not the size of the power， and can insist on how long。
许多人缺少的不是美，而是自信的气质。
Many people do not lack beauty， but confident temperament。
恪尽职守的精神比个人的声望更重要。
Fulfill their duties than the spirit of personal prestige is more important。
人生伟业的建立，不在能知，乃在能行。
The establishment of the great achievement， but can not know， is in the can。
人生如像旅游景区到了这个景点无论风景好孬还得向下个景点行进，不可能就此停下脚步。
Life such as tourist attractions to the scenic spots both good and bad have spots down road, could not stop there.
强者征服今天，懦夫哀叹昨天，懒汉坐等明天。
The conquest of today, coward lamented yesterday, idle waiting for tomorrow.
拥有自信，努力奋斗，成功就在前方。
Have confidence, work hard, success in the front.
忧劳可以兴国，逸豫可以亡身。
One could, leisurelyhenan can dead body.
如果没有人为你遮风挡雨，那就学会自己披荆斩棘，面对一切。
If you find no shelter, then learn to break, in the face of all.
在泪水中浸泡过的微笑最灿烂，从迷惘中走出来的灵魂最清醒。
Soaked in tears in the most brilliant smile, from the lost out of the soul of the most clear.
要善于套用别人的成功模式，别人的成功模式可成为一种指引，让你有方向可循。
To be good at using others' successful model, others successful model can become a guide, so you have the direction to follow.
勤奋是你生命的密码，能译出你一部壮丽的史诗。
Diligence is the code of your life, and you can translate a magnificent epic.
乐观是一首激昂优美的进行曲，时刻鼓舞着你向事业的大路勇猛前进。
Optimism is an impassioned and beautiful music, constantly inspires you to advance the cause of the road.
恢弘志士之气，不宜妄自菲薄。
Chester qualities of gas, not improperly belittle oneself.
不努力怎么对得起千疮百孔的自己。
How does live up to myself in a disastrous state.
任何业绩的质变都来自于量变的积累。
No qualitative change in performance comes from the accumulation of quantitative changes.
每一个人要有做一代豪杰的雄心斗志!应当做个开创一代的人。
Each person has to do a generation of aspiring hero! Should be a pioneer in the generation of people.
当一个人一天有许多要放入时，一天就可以有一百个口袋。
When a person has a lot to put in a day, a day can have one hundred pockets.
命运就像自己的掌纹，虽然弯弯曲曲，却永远掌握在自己手中。
Like the fate of his palm, although crooked, but always in your hands.
失败缘于忽视细处，成功始于重视小事。
Failure is due to neglect of small, success began to pay attention to small things.
永远不要埋怨你已经发生的事情，要么就改变它，要么就安静的接受它。
Never complain about what has happened to you, or change it, or accept it quietly.
忍别人所不能忍的痛，吃别人所不能吃的苦，方能收获别人所得不到的收获。
Endure other people can not endure the pain, eat other people can not eat the bitter, the harvest of others can not get the harvest.
时光就像一辆畜力车，它的速度取决于我们手中的鞭子。
Time is like a wagons, it depends on the speed of our hands whip.
别把生活当作游戏，谁游戏人生，生活就惩罚谁，这不是劝诫，而是--规则!
Don't take life as a game, who is the game of life, life will be punished who, this is not preaching but rules!
力求上进的人，不要总想着靠谁谁，人都是自私的，自己才是最靠得住的人。
Best man, do not always think by who, people are selfish, oneself is the most reliable man.
我们看错了这个世界，却说世界欺骗了我们。
We read the world wrong and say that it deceives us.
我们的安全感，来自于充分体验不安全感。
Our sense of security comes from the full experience of insecurity.
不是你比别人差，只是付出不够多。
Is not worse than others, but not enough to pay.
英雄的事业必定包含着艰险，如果没有艰险也就不成为英雄了。
The hero career must contain a dangerous, if not dangerous has not become a hero.
胜利女神不一定眷顾所有的人，但曾经尝试过，努力过的人，他们的人生总会留下痕迹!
Victory goddess does not necessarily favor all the people, but had tried, tried, their lives will always leave traces!
只要瞄准了大方向，坚持不懈地做下去，才能够扫除挡在梦想前面的障碍，实现美好的人生蓝图。
As long as the aim of the general direction, and perseverance to do it, to sweep the obstacles in front of the dream, to achieve a better life blueprint.
只有经历过地狱般的折磨，才有征服天堂的力量。只有流过血的手指才能弹出世间的绝唱。
Only through hell, have the power to conquer the heaven. Only through the blood of the fingers can last popup world.
人生就像一杯没有加糖的咖啡，喝起来是苦涩的，回味起来却有久久不会退去的余香。
Life is like a cup of coffee without sugar, drink up is bitter, but have long aftertaste fragrance will not recede.
假如樵夫害怕荆棘，船只避忌风浪，铁匠畏惧火星，那么，世界就会变成另一副模样。
If the fear of thorns, ships evasive waves, then fear Smith Mars, the world will be on the other side.
伟大的力量存在于我们的内心。
Great power is in our hearts.
流水在碰到底处时才会释放活力。
Water at the bottom of the water will be released at the end of the vitality.
一时的挫折往往可以通过不屈的搏击，变成学问及见识。
A temporary setback can often be unyielding fight, into a knowledge and experience.
受伤害能磨练你的心志，受欺骗能增长你的见识，受遗弃会教你自立的本领，受批评能助长你的智慧。
Hurt hone your mind, by cheating can increase your knowledge, be abandoned will teach you the skills, criticized for contributing to your wisdom.
此刻打盹你将做梦，而此刻学习你将圆梦!
This moment will nap you will have a dream but this moment study, you will interpret a dream!
Hello everybody，
Facing all of you on the stage， I have the exciting feeling of participating in the march of history.
About 170 years ago， China was forced to open up its door by western canons and gunboats. It has been through the struggle and sacrifice of generations that we finally have gained the opportunity to choose for ourselves. The policy of reform and open is the choice that has made all the difference.
Who can ignore the fact that we have established ourselves as a great state in the world; the fact that we have devised our own nuclear weapons; the fact that we have successfully sent our satellites into space，No.7 Zhengzhou manned space flight， which proves the successful development of space technology across the major milestone， and the fact that our gap ranks to no.3 in the world.
When it comes to celebrating the 60th birthday of our great motherland， I would contribute my individual and unique colors to creating a more diverse motherland.
The traditional Chinese culture teaches us to study hard and work hard so as to honor our country. We won't let people down.
We will devote our wisdom and passion to the historic cause of making this nation a greater and happier land for everyone of us.
Finally， I do hope everybody can try their best to become a worthy citizen of the country; I do hope everybody can become the backbone of our nation and make great contributions to our society!
That's all， thank you !
Honorable judges, ladies and gentlemen,the fairytale of aladdin has always been my childhood favorite. i was mesmerized by how aladdin used his three magic wishes. as a small girl, i dreamed of having the magic wishes to go wherever i wanted to go and see whatever i wanted to see. as you can probably guess, i haven't found my genie in the lamp yet, however, i have found something just as exciting and it has made marvelous changes in not only my life, but the lives of all human-beings. it is called technology.
I still remember how my father told me about his childhood back in those days when china was not as open and developed as it is now. children would run for kilometers to school, make toys with wood by themselves, and the biggest dream of a child was holding two jars of sugar, one white, the other brown in each arm and having the choice of eating whichever he wanted. just look at what we have now. magnificent technological advancement has opened up a whole new world to us.
However, just as our lives become more convenient, problems arise from this new life style. we seem to be caged in the modern technology; we are thinking alike as a result of using the same search engine, we are getting lazy as most of our work can be done by machines, and we are alienating people around us for we are more comfortable talking on phones and typing in front of a computer.
If i was given the chance to make my magic wishes now, i would wish we could go back in time and live for three days without advanced technology. i wonder what we would do in those three days. here is what i imagine:on the first day, people would be feeling so uncomfortable with the new situation that they would probably be confused and just not know what to do. the world would be in a mess for the whole day.on the second day, as life goes on, people would have to find alternative ways to deal with their daily rituals: students would have to go to libraries for information they wanted instead of searching on google; boys would have to express their affection to girls in person instead of sending an annoying txt message; and the young people of today would have the chance to experience the childhood of their parents. on this particular day, we could recover all we had lost in the modern world.
★ 最精彩英语演讲稿
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